HENRY CLAY. 




ADDRESS OF 



Hon. John F. Lacey 



BEFORE THE 



GRANT CLUB 



OF DES MOINES, IOWA: 



May 19, 1903 



HENRY CLAY. 



Gentlemen: Henry Clay was born 
on the 12th day of April, 1777, and died 
on the 29th day of June, 1852. He en- 
tered public life in 1803, a hundred years 
ago, and for 49 years his name was as- 
sociated with almost every important 
public occurrence in our country. He 
might without vanity have spoken of 
those events, "All of which I saw, and 
a part of which I was." 

The memory of the present genera- 
tion needs to be refreshened by the 
study of the lives of our early state- 
men. 

General Butler used to tell a story 
about the> celebrated statue at New 
Orleans. While he was in command 
in the city, one day he was riding out 
with his Irish orderly, when they 
passed the dark bronze statue of Mr. 
Clay on Canal street, the Orderly rode 
up to the General's side and touched 
his hat and said, "General what statue 
is that?" The General replied, "It is 
Clay." A few days after that they 
were passing the same place again, and 
the Orderly again rode up to the Gen- 
eral and said, "Why did you tell me 
that statue was Clay?" "Oh," replied 
the General, "Everybody says so." 
Said the Orderly, "General they have 
lied to you, for I examined it. It is 
iron." 

But Mr. Clay had a monument more 
enduring than bronze in the hearts of 
his countrymen. 

We are now far enough from the ex- 
citement of that period to view and 
measure it dispassionately. We can 
divide the last hundred years into two 
equal p»rts„*and^ for; a/toest -exaetly; 
fifty yeary'ri^'thn^ tw^e}*£bje fjgure«<}f;' 
Henry Clay towers* TnrKke'a'Vollos^sW 
in our history. 

He suffered: *f;p3rij tffls§tfljtecL 'afcuse*^ 

and he a?5oisHJtei;t3fl*«£vQri ;mi>re.,'froni 
extravagant and and undiscriminating 
praise. He was the best loved and 
best hated man of his time. It has 
been well said that "A man is well 
provided, if, next to having a dozen 



good friends, he has one good enemy." 

Mr. Clay had plenty of botb. The 
abuse that was heaped upon him and 
the admiration that he inspired, now 
seem incredible. His friends were 
indeed a choice array and his enemies 
a splendid host. 

Napoleon at St. Helena told Las 
Casas that the reason history can only 
be written after the people whose 
deeds are described are dead, was 
that all histories are lies, and that 
the historian who writes after his he- 
roes are in the grave, may make his 
statements with impunity, for there 
•is no one there to contradict them. 

But as to the public man whose life 
and works are all connected with par- 
liamentary affairs, the records are an 
•'open book to all, and may be Weighed 
much more justly than the career of 
the military leader. 

You have invited me tonight to dis- 
cuss an interesting theme. My first 
childish recollections cluster around 
the name of Henry Clay. My father 
was an old time Whig, for Clay in 
1844 as he was for Lincoln in 1860 and 
in 1864, and as he would have been, 
had he lived, for McKinley in 1896 
and 1900, and for Roosevelt in 1904, 
and the first event in my memory is 
conected with the great campaign of 
1844. My father gave me a new plusb 
cap and bade me toss it up and give 
three chers for Henry C\*iy, which I 
did with a will. A few hours later i 
accidentally burned out one side of the 
cap, for which my father gave me an 
aplication of a convenient lath. The 
circumstance was therefore enrona- 
sized on both body and mind, and 
made a lasting impression, and so 
the name of Clay sunk deep in my 
yo$ng mind. 

'\ \ was in favor of Mr. Clay then be- 
cause my father was. I remain a be- 
liqver in the great tenets of that faith, 
jbMause they have appealed to my ma- 
•twre judgment in later years. 

Henry Clay was embarrassed by 
the dangers of his time. Hi loved the 
Union, and his life's dearest purpose 
was to preserve that Union at all haz- 
ards against all Its foes. 



comproml 

r wouli and wl ild 

fur !iis countrj , he w 

y, more than anyone e 
wa' he civil 

war. Had that v. 

• been dlffei at, and 
d would 
Imperiled the cause of civil i 
tion Itself. The men who v jis- 

Ion Into our laws arc compn >n 
Th 9 elements of dif 

and they must bo ham onis 
unless the question at Issue 
sue] whelming Importance that 

there can be no middle grounds of 
adjustment. 

Tho men who refuse all middle 

are the men who produce 

3 — or who produce nothing. 

Th' ordinary affairs of the times 

of necessity adjusted by mutual 

sions. 
rn in a humble home in Hanover 
unty, Virginia, his boyish life as 
"the mill bey of the Slashes" v. 
: rated in many a fierce poll- 

paign. He had tho advant- 
age .with its powerful stimu- 
lus to e ertion, and he tasted its bit- 
11. 
the son of a Baptist preacher, 
imple to disprove 
truth common a> 
sons. 
He was the fifth of seven children. 
T!: no "racial suicide" in th< 
days. 

Li], In, he "clerked in a st 

e Grover Cleveland, he served as 

a copyist in a law office. Both tnese 

copyists "i y copies for others." 

Though these two mi vrery 

unlike — their handwriting is similar, 

as well as very good. Mr. Clay copied 

and studied law with Georg e, a 

ner of the Declaration of Independ- 

Wythe lived befoi and set 

>nn- 
cipattng his slaves. His was 
law offlc r Thomas Jeff and 

John Marshall were both his stu- 
dents. 

He had that wide variety of prac- 
tice whirl' d< \ el ped th • Ind But 
Richmond was crowded, with talent, 



and th ''lay 

i I 

tile' 

' 

day tour around U 

ay 

I now. ir Hy 

Into ti I, fondly hoping that 

and ability, 

rapid and omnivorous 
in amanuensis 

in to l" 1 exact. 

Hi: a public speaker made 

him ' " r ''Is 

•iresses it. "Read- 
full man, writing inak- 
i id speaking mak- 
eth B man." 

melodious voice was an insplr- 
I at ; Lh> , *hnr and en the 

Mncrs. N"^>K'' ,hat we 

CoTl^s melody upon the 

[ilnijni^L^i' thai he might judge 

• I 

"Let me hear that voice once more," 

said . ohn Randolph when be was car- 

i his sick couch to the Senate 

cur. His duel with Clay was 

forgotten. 

We soon forget the joys, the sor- 
rows, the victories and the defeats of 
professional man. Great lawyers 
"work hard, live well and die poor," 
and th( m - 

member Daniel Webster, but we 
for greater brother EzekieL 

On. red to his professional ca- 

reer other embarked In pub- 

lic me. 

We wish to cast up the account of 
night. 
irted out in life as a republi- 
cs name of the future dem- 
ad as a member of 
ntucky 

ap] to till the place in the Onit- 

acant by the 
lair. He 

of eli- 
bui the point I made 

ag a 
o, 1 am sorry to say, is soon 

outgrown. 

' ilking to the Sen- 
taking his seat. 
ntly elected senators have 
be soon as that. 



As a member of the dominant party- 
he readily defended Aaron Burr, who 
was the Jefferson Davis of his day. 
But Clay refused to even shake hands 
with Burr when time had uncovered 
the wicked purposes that had been 
concealed from him by that brilliant 
ex-vice president of the United States. 

Thomas Jefferson was president, 
and his party claimed everything that 
was virtuous, past, present or future, 
just as it now holds banquets on Lin- 
coln's birthday, skipping the anniver- 
sary of January 8th altogether. 

It is still a funny old party. It 
fights everything, and then claims all 
the merit for its own defeat when the' 
fight is over — even now it is beginning 
to conjure with the name of McKinley 
as well as that of Lincoln. We may 
beware of the man who says nothing 
good of republicans, except those who 
are dead. 

But Clay came into public life when 
there was a lull in party acrimony. 
Mr. Jefferson had said, "We are all re- 
publicans, we are all federalists." 

The Louisiana purchase had just op- 
ened up new visions to the eye of 
hope, and had kindled the imagination 
of the generation of that day. The 
new region was a long way off. Clay 
took up at once t he project, by pub- 
lic improvements, of bringing the 
country nearer together, and promptly 
suggested a canal around the falls of 
the Ohio. 

Jefferson could see no authority un- 
der the Constitution , but he yielded 
to the popular demand. So he asked 
that the constitution be amended and 
that the highways be made. But Clay 
and Jackson after riding on horseback 
through the wilderness to Washing- 
ton realized the necessity of some 
speedier method of making the jour- 
ney. 

The Roman Empire was knit togeth- 
er by its highways. The great Ameri- 
can Republic had the same needs. 

Clay wanted a national road to the 
Ohio. The constitutional power of 
congress to build it, was then doubt- 
ed. Now we have built railways to 
the Pacific and are putting up tele- 
graph lines in Alaska. 

Mr. Clay was not 30 years of age 
until April 12, 1807, but on March 4, 
1807, his first appointment to the 
United States Senate expired, and bo 



he commenced his congressional life 
without any too strict regard to the 
letter of the Constitution. 

He returned to Kentucky and was 
elected to the Legislature and be- 
came speaker of the Assembly. He 
was a believer in the merits of the 
English Common Law, which great 
heritage came to us through our an- 
cestry. In that legislature the feel- 
ing against Great Britain was extreme, 
and some twister of the lion's tan of 
L_at dav whose name is now unknown 
to fame, moved to forbid the citation 
in the courts of any English law book 
or decision of the courts of the mother 

country. 

This absura motion was seriously 
debated in the English language by 
men of English blood and lineage and 
was about to pass, when Mr. Clay des- 
cended from ihe Speaker's chair and 
delivered a eulogy on the common law 
whicn turned the tide of prejudice, 
and the motion was defeated. 

In this assembly, Mr. Clay sounded 
the key note of protection, by a reso- 
lution that the members of the legis- 
lature shorn.- wear only American 
clothing, and he wore with pardonable 
ostentation garments of purely domes- 
tic manufacture. He was proud of his 
Kentucky jeans. 

This question led to a personal as- 
sault by Humphrey Marshall, and a 
uuel in which they were both wound- 
ed. 

When I was admitted to the bar In 
Kentucky a few years ago, in order to 
try a law case there, I had to take an 
oath that I had "never sent or accept- 
ed a challenge to fight a duel in the 
state of Kentucky." I suggested to 
the court that was willing to swear 
that I never would do so either. The 
Judge said this provision in the Ken- 
tucky constitution was once rendered 
necessary by conditions that no long- 
er exist. But in Mr. Clay's time the 
successful practitioner was compelled 
to be always ready to attend an early 
morning meeting with pijstols and 
coffee. 

And so it happened that Clay shed 
his first blood for protection, a cause 
which he always fondly denominated 
the "American system." 

He regarded a clothing schedule as 
sufficiently sacred in those days to be 
willing to die for it. 



Again Mr. Clay wi-m to the Seriate 
to u.» the unexpired term of Mr. 
Thurston. He seems to have com- 
meneed in orlaJ . ervico on the 

iiistallmout plan. 

in 1810 ho actively took up the 
kindred political BubJ f Internal 

improvements and protection to Amer- 
ican Industries, and his Bp< 
read today as familiarly us if they had 
been taken bodily from those of Mc- 
Kinley, Blaine, or Tom Reed, in fact, 
there has been but little improvement 
in the arguments of the protectionists 
since that day. 

He assured the people that the pro- 
tective tariff would in the end increase 
production, reduce the price and lm- 
prove tin character of the article pro- 
duced. 

lie was even willing that the gov- 
ernment should promote the manu- 
facture of needed articles of national 
defense by a direct subsidy or loan. 

His speeches on this subject were 
in the nature of prophesies. His pre- 
dictions are now history, but the op- 
ponents of his policies are still re- 
tting the exploded arguments ot 
sixty years ago. His speeches in 1832 
are now, after 71 years, good living ar- 
guments in the present day. 

Mr. Clay never became President. 
He achieved higher distinction, for on 
this question he was right. Let us 
look at a few of his arguments made 
In 1832 In the Senate. 

He claimed that: 

"Protective duties, if not prohibi- 
tory, are not a tax on the consumers, 
for the importer will pay the tax in 
order to reach our market." 

The revenue tariff, prior to 1824, 
was the "Wilson Law" of that day. 
The tariff of 1824 corresponded to the 
"Dingley Act" of the present time. 

Mr. Clay sa^: 

"If I were to select any term of 
seven years which exhibited a scene 
oi the most wide-spread dismay and 
desolation, it would be exactly that 
term of seven years immediately pre- 
ceding the tariff act of 1824." 

Then he said by contrast: 

"If the term of seven years were to 
be selected of the greatest prosperity 
■which this people have enjoyed since 
the establishment of their present 
Constitution, it would be exactly that 
period of seven years which imniedi- 



y followed the passage of the tar- 
iff of i ml distress were 
ahang< 'i to brightness ami prosperity, 
by fostering Am industry, ln- 
.id of allowing it ti lied by 
for> Asiatic i cherishing D 
industry." 

Opponent! of the pi arid 

said it would prevent imports, cut off 
tie and destroy commerce, 
and also curtail exports. But all tneae 
things proved as false In 1824 as tney 
did in I 

. ■ Increased, commerce re- 
vived, exports expanded, and the com- 
mercial cities instead ol going into 
decay, flourished beyond the dreams 
of the optimists. 

Mr. Clay in his long public life, was 
progressive. lie was able to change 
b.s views upon some vital questions, 
sometimes for the better, Bometio 
IfU the worse. 

He earnestly opposed the recharter 
of the United States Bank, and his 
voted defeated it by one majority. 
But not many years later he was as 
earnestly on the side of chartering a 
new bank. 

After two short terms in the Senate, 
at the age of 34, he was ejected to that 
greatest of legislative bodies, the 
House of Representatives. Out of 
"the solemn stillness of the Senate he 
entered tho turbulent House," and he 
welcomed the change. It was like re- 
signing from the bench to enlist in the 
cavalry, and ne liked it. There was 
his appropriate forum. He was in his 
element. 

The House was wild and noisy and 
it is still as tempestuous as ever. 
\\ lien I was returning home from my 
first session in .the House, my Lttle 
uaughter was with me, and in Chicago 
we went in curiosity to the gallery of 
the Board of Trade at midday, when 
the trading of the day was at its 
height I said to the little girl, "What 
do you think of it?" She said "It's 
just .ike the House of Representa- 
tives." 

Clay was promptly elected Speaker, 
but he freely took his place on the 
Boor in t mittee of the Whole 

as its chief debati 

The great struggle betwen Napole- 
on and Great Britain was raging. Mr. 
Jefferson caned an extra session to 
forbid all foreign commerce, as a pro- 



test agains the wrongs of the En- 
ropean contestants. 

It was proposed to save our com- 
merce by killing it. 

Mr. Jefferson proposed to build gun- 
boats which could only be used in 
the creeks and bays and to take our 
shipping off the seas. This was a 
good precedent for those of our own 
day who want to kill the trusts by 
paralyzing all business by free trade. 

Clay and Calhoun stood together in 
those days, and Clay sounded a bugle 
note for an American Navy. When 
war was declared in 1812, he led the 
aggressive forces in the House. 

We had only 8,000,000 population, 
but they were brave and defiant. 

But when the war came on our peo- 
ple were not fully united. Josiah 
<4uincy led the "anti-war party" and 
set the example for the "antis" of the 
present day. 

.Jut it was Jackson, not Clay, who 
reapeu its fruits. Clay showed up the 
peace policy of that day. The "antis" 
were for war until war came, and then 
they were for peace. 

He said: 

"You find them tacking with every 
gale, displaying the colors of every 
party and of all nations, steady only 
.11 one unalterable purpose — to steer, 
if possible, into the haven of power." 

Tne President offered to Clay the 
position of Commander in Onief of the 
Army, but he lost the opportunity of 
military glory, and later in life found 
himself battling against the renown 
of the hero of New Orleans. 

In 1813 he was again Speaker, and 
the war was in progress. 

In 1814 he resigned his gavel and 
went abroad on a diplomatic mission. 
Our capitoi had been burned by the 
enemy, and tne prospects of peace 
were by no means encouraging. 

The peace treaty was not gratifying, 
but the victory of i\ew Orleans, after 
the treaty had been signed, but before 
it was known on this side of the ocean, 
gave us all the honors of victory. 

It was the war and not the treaty 
which ended it, that brought us per- 
manent respect in the Old World. 

Clay was back again in Congress and 
Speaker once more in 1815. In 1816 
a protective tariff was passed by the 
democratic-republicans of that day. 
And so the party .a power found them- 



selves favoring a national bank and a 
protective policy. Clay veered around 
to the side of the bank. He had learn- 
ed something from our disordered cur- 
rency. The democracy of that day 
were led by Clay and Calhoun. 

But Clay voted to increase the sal- 
ary of congressmen to $1,500 a year, 
and nearly lost his election because of 
this extravagance. But we must remem- 
ber that $1,500 was a lot of money in 
those days. Then came the "era of good 
feeling." Clay was tendered a place 
in Madison's cabinent,but declined. He 
was looking higher. In 1817 he was 
again Speaker. He wisely declined 
the lower place in the cabinet. The 
Speakership had already become the 
second place in the nation. 

Now Mr. Clay's love of the "Ark of 
our Liberty the onion" became fore- 
most. Public improvements were 
steadily welding it together. Then 
came the oouth American revolt, and 
he took up the cause of the Colonists 
witu great fervor. His speeches were 
translated and read at the head of the 
patriot armies in South America, in- 
spiring them with enthusiasm. 

Now it was that Clay and Jackson 
first clashed. 

en Jackson hung Arbuthnot and 
Ambrister, Clay declared open war 
against him and this was the turning 
point in Clay's life. 

.ttut it is dangerous to attack a mili- 
tary hero or his army. If a foreign 
foe attack our army, they will defend 
themselves. 

It is dangerous for an American to at- 
tack them, for the people will always 
stand by their soldiers. 

Why will not all men understand 
this? 

Bu- the slavery question continued 
to obtrude itselr, and it became the 
work of Mr. Clay's life to keep down 
the spectre of the Civil war. The 
cotton gin was invented in New Eng- 
lam. and made slavery rich. That in- 
stitution at once wanted to stretch its 
limbs to the west, and now began the 
struggle for more slave states. 

The dissolution of the Union was 
imminent, and compromise only aver- 
ted war. The Missouri Compromise 
was the work of Clay in 1820 

As Speaker, he delayed a reconsid- 
eration until the bill could be sent 
to the Senate, and then ruled that it 



was bt'yund the Hous< 'i control. 

No such proceeding ;ia thiB would 
be thought of now i>> ttte most czar- 
like BP< But Mi. CM.' ird- 

ed this compromise a.^ Bsential 
to peace and uuIoq and was willing 
to use strong and even arbitrary 
methods to enact it into law. 

The Southern Btate men of that 
time wei : mi; read; tor Si cession. 

Compromise alone averted Hi" 

attempt and the hand. Of freedi 

were probably not thi 

to have saved the Union by wager of 

bat ' 

Mr. Claj . like ubllc men, was 

in straightened i ances. Like 

Tom Reed, he resigned Ms Speaker- 
ship tu work for himself and his 
family. 

lint, in 1S23 he again returned to 
Congress and again w is 1 he chosen 
Speaker. 

His compromise had made him 
"The Great Pacificator.." Peace- 
makers are useful but. have no such 
hold on the popular heart as warriors. 
Mr. Clay resumed his contest for a 
National Road. 

The revolt in Greece against the un- 
speakable Turk found Mr. Clay sup- 
porting the insurgents and the Holy 
Alliance against ^^-publican govern- 
ment was met by the announcement of 
the Monroe Doctrine. 

In 1S21 Mr. Clay warmly espoused 
the cause of protection. He christened 
it the "American System'' and so it 
has remained for eighty years. 

He spoke for protection, and Web- 
ster against it. But four years later 
Webster saw the light and joined 
hands with Clay. Slavery had shifted 
to free trade. Free labor demanded 
protection, and so Clay and Calhoun 
came to the parting of the ways. The 
Federalists had disappeared and 
tnere was oniy one party. 

If there be but one party it will 
naturally divide. Nothing but the 
prejudice of a race question, prevents 
this now in the South. 

All nature teaches the necessity of 
duality. Republics must have two 
parties to manage affairs, a govern- 
mental party and an opposition. 

And so events begun to reshape and 
realign parties. 



Til,' compi 
oved I 'ho . 

ie, and 
and protection became the promi- 
nent iith. 

In 

a caucui i ;' ; ml- 

conventiori 

In 1824 tfa 
deflicati i < •' 1 1 lei I contest. Jackson 

Craw- 
ford as ;i corrupt lonist. and flay as a 
mbler. Jackson had 99 tral 

juincy Adams aw- 

ford 41, and (May :;7. Clay not 

of th. hest, was ban 

out of the election in the House by 
provisions of the Constitution 

But he was a member of the Ho 

and tool; part in the election, and the 
most irritating thing .n his political 
was the charge that ho voted for 
Adams in consideration of a seat in 
his cabinet as Secretary of State. 

Pending the election in the House 
he found himself exceedingly popular, 
uackson dined with him — but he 
voted for Adams, and so Jackson had 
to wait for four years for tho 
presidency. 

One of the pleasautest features of 
Clay's life occurred when he was ac- 
corded the privilege of welcoming 
LaFayette to America. His speech 
was one of the gems of the World's 
oratory. He "welcomed General 
LaFayette to posterity." 

The real weakness of Mr. Clay's 
life was the presidential fever. 

It is as dangerous to peace of 
mind in 1903 as it was in 1824, and it 
gives the most pain to those who have 
; cans itching It. 

When Clay accepted the position of 
Set i of State he was presumably 

in line for the presidency. But Jack- 
son accepted a nomination tendered 
him by the Tennessee Legislature, 
three years in advance, and at onoe 
sent in his resignation as Senator. 

Clay had a bold and dangerous 
opponent. As - tary of State Mr. 
Clay was the right man In the right 
place. 

He had been educated In the school 
of practical public life. He knew 
conditions and he knew men. His 



training was very like that of Wil- 
liam McKinley. 

But calumny, like death, loves a 
shining mark. Randolph described 
the Secretary of State as a blackleg 
and a challenge at once ensued. The 
Code at least imposed some limits on 
the abuse of speech and press. We 
talk aghtly of the good old times 
when there was no abuse, and of the 
furious license of the press in these 
days. 

But Clay was the target of mud 
slinging such as would shock the 
editors of the yellow journals of the 
Twentieth Century. The charge that 
he had voted for Adams through a 
corrupt bargain was persistently 
reiterated, and harrassed him nearly 
all his days. 

The playing of cards for money by 
public men, sixty years ago, was not 
condemned so severely as it is today. 
It is told of Mrs. Clay, that when one 
of her lady friends asked her if the 
fact that her husband played poker 
did not give her much trouble, the 
good lady replied, "Not at all, fop 
Mr. Clay generally wins." 

The revolutionary presidents ended 
with Monroe. 

The Civil War presidents have 
probably ended with McKinley. 

Clay had great ideas of an Ameri- 
can federation — a dream revived by 
Mr. Blaine, the tragedy of whose hie 
in many respects resembles that of 
Mr. Clay. 

The Panama Congress of Clay was 
expected to be something akin to the 
Amphictyonic Council of the Greek 
Republics, and its total failure was a 
source of great distress to him. 

Mr. Clay was a slaveholder of the 
Washington type, and though he 
hoped for the final extinction of that 
institution, he was influenced by the 
spirit of his environment when he 
proposed to Great Britain to surren- 
der deserters from the British Army 
and Navy in exchange for refugee 
slaves in Canada. 

His support of Colonization stands 
as an offset to the reproach of this 
proffer to Great Britain. 

In 1828 Jackson defeated Adams 
and Clay was not a candidate. But 
in 1832 the new cleavage of parties 



progressed. 

The Democratic-Republicans were 
led by Jackson and the National Re- 
publicans supported Clay. Later on 
in 1834, they became Democrats and 
Whigs. Andrew Jackson was a good 
hater and his favorite aversion was 
Henry Clay. 

In 1832 conventions made their 
appearance and the old Congressional 
Caucus system disappeared forever. 

Political chickens nearly always 
come home to roost. Jackson's veto 
of the Bank Charter, in 1832, con- 
tained ~ie arguments made by Clay 
in 1811. This is one of the dis- 
advantages of longevity in public 
life. Consistency is a jewel that 
must occasionally be recut and reset. 

Defeated again in 1832, in 1833 came 
the tariff compromises and the nulli- 
fication by South Carolina. Again was 
a Southern Confederacy threatened, 
and Clay prevented the attempt by 
another compromise. 

Jackson, in his message, spoke in 
favor of a reduction of the tariff to 
a revenue basis, but he threw his 
whole power and weight on the side 
of the. Union. Calhoun resigned as 
Vice President and went to the Senate 
to fight for nullification. 

The issue was the power of each 
state to nullify the federal laws. It 
was a very lively question then. It 
is a very dead one now. 

But it cost more than a million 
of lives and eight billions of money 
to bury it. War was imminent and 
again Mr. Clay came in as a pacifi- 
cator. Again we have the compromise 
of 1833. Nullification would have been 
persisted in but for Jackson's vigor- 
ous proclamation. Finally Calhoun 
himself voted with Clay. But while 
Clay was pressing his compromise, 
he at the same time pushed the Force 
Bill of Jackson. 

The ^and of power held out the 
olive branch of peace; from such a 
hand it is the most welcome. Jack- 
son's spoils system led Clay to favor 
a tenure of office act, but it took the 
Andrew Johnson era to enact it into 
law. 

In 1836 the Missouri Compromise 
no longer kept the peace. It had been 
a stay of proceedings, not a settle- 



ment. With Garrison mobbed in 
Massachusetts and Lovejoy murdered 
in Illinois, we might Imagine the 
state of feeling on the Slavery 
Question further South. Slavery was 
sowing the wind. It denied the righv 
o. petition; denied the right of free 
speech; denied the freedom of debate; 
and Anally it attempted to close the 
mails against its foes. 

In 1836 Van Buren was elected and 
Clay was not a candidate. 

In 1834 Jackson was censured by 
the Senate for the removal of the 
treasury deposits from the Bank. This 
censure created more excitement than 
the Spanish War did in 1898. 

Thomas H. Benton declared the 
expunging of these resolutions to be 
his life work, and the expunging reso- 
lution answered the double purpose oi 
showing deep devotion to Jackson and 
hostility to Clay. 

The black lines around and across 
the record of this resolution 
diu not change the fact of censure, 
but showed that a subsequent senate 
was willing to prove its partisanship 
as being even greater than that of the 
body which passed the original resolu- 
tions. 

This endorsement across the yellow, 
faded record of 1834 is a mute memor- 
ial of one of the bitterest battles in 
parliamentary history. 

The surplus in the Treasury gave 
great trouble to the democracy of thac 
day, and the sum of $37,468,857 was 
ordered deposited with the various 
states, as a method of getting it out 
of the way. 

It was effective, as far as it was 
done, for the deposit has proved a 
permanent one. 

When the assault on the Bank and 
national currency, coupled with the 
reduction of tne tariff to a strictly 
revenue basis, bore its natural, usual 
and logical iruit in the panic of 1837, 
Clay insisted on carrying out the 
agreement with the states, and pro- 
posed, with a grim humor, to borrow 
enough money to distribute the fourth 
installment of the "surplus." 

Artemus Ward, at a later period, 
announced his determination to "live 
within his income if he had to borrow 
tne money to do it." But the last 



installment of the vanished surplus 
was never paid. 

When Clay was about to make his 
speech, practically surrendering his 
previous anti-slavery views, he said 
to Senator Preston, of South Caro- 
lina, "I had rathor be right than be 
1 'resident," but in fact he was sur- 
rendering to the wrong in hopes of 
being President. 

In 1840 his opportunity seemed ripe 
to be both right and President 

But Wm. Henry Harrison carried 
the day, and offered Clay the position 
of Secretary of 8tate which he 
declined. 

Clay's speeches were usually ser- 
ious, but he had his humorous side. 
In 1840, at Nashville, he asked his 
audience, "Where is my old Demo- 
cratic friend, Felix Grundy?" Some 
one replied, "he is over in East Ten- 
nessee, speaking for Van Buren's 
administration." "Ah" at his old 
occupation, defending criminals," s»id 
Clay. 

In the greater part of his service 
Mr. Clay persisted In his plan to 
distribute the proceeds of the sales of 
the public land to the various states. 

When his pet measure was finally 
enacted, it was coupled with a condi- 
tion that the tariff rates should be 
first reduced to 20 per cent or less, 
and so when he succeeded in 1841 in 
passing his bill, it proved inoperative. 
In those days the measures relating 
to the public domain were of the most 
vital importance. The great debate 
between Webster and Hayne was 
over a public land bill. 

Clay's long struggle against Jack- 
son's power and Van Buren's cunning 
had ended, and in 1840 the Whigs had 
won the coveted control of the 
administration. But by some fatality 
an only half baked Whig, who was in 
fact a democrat, took the reins when 
Harrison's brief month of power had 
ended. 

Vice Presidents have been often 
disappointing, and the nomination of 
a man of doubtful politics, or of un- 
certain antecedents for the second 
place en the ticket has at least three 
times in our history, led to bit- 
ter disappointment. 

Tyler gave us a new verb, "to 



Tylerize;" Fillmore was only a little By straddling on Texas Mr. Clay lost 

less disappointing than Tyler; but in the North without gaining in the 

Andrew Johnson did still worse, he South. The/e are many points of 

' Johnsonized," and gave us such a resemblance in the misfortunes of 

warning that the Grand Old Party Clay and Blaine. 

will never again select a man of un- "Polk, Dallas, Texas and the Tariff 

sound or doubtful political views as 01 1842," was the rallying cry m 

the running mate for the presidential 1*44. 

nominee. The Democrats stole Clay's tariff 

The determination to place a first- thunder and put their opponents in 

class, reliable Republican in the vioe the false light of enemies to 

presidency in 1900 has served both protection. 

the nation and the party in good stead By the Texas controversy the anti- 

in the great calamity of the death of slavery germs were developed in 

•ur beloved William McKinley. tne Whig Party. And so, the Clay 

When Tyler went over to the enemy \» nigs of 1844 formed a new party, 
Clay assumed the undisputed leader- and some years later become the Lin- 
ship of his party once more, and in coin Republicans of 1860. 
1844 his nomination was as logical as When defeated in 1844 Mr. Clay 
that of McKinley in 1896. found himself burdened with debt 

The one hour rule of debate in the and was about to surrender his prop- 
House was the work of Mr. Clay He erty to his creditors wuen he dis- 
favored an international copyright covered that nis debts had all been 
law, but in this he was many years paid. His creditors refused to give 
before his time, but that measure has the names of the donors, but they told 
now become a law. the late debtor that the persons 

On March 31, 1842, Mr. Clay made his "were presumably his friends." 

farewell address to the Senate and Fifty years later William McKinley 

presented the credentials of John J. had a like example of gratitude from 

Crittenden. the people when his surety debts were 

In 1844 he was 6/ years old, but he a11 extinguished by unknown friends 

was both the idol and the nominee of an( ^ admirers. 

his party The annexation of Texas After tne election Sheppard, of 

and the proposed extension of slavery -North Carolina said that "Clay could 

forced that isue forward in spite of S et more men to hear him speak and 

all of the compromises that had been fewer to vote for him, than any man 

made. It had outgrown the covering m America." 

with which it had been concealed. Tne Democracy of 1844 were loud in 

The Quaker Mendenhall at Richmond, demands for the enforcement of our 

Ind., embarrassed Mr Clay fearfully claim as to tne Oregon boundary, 

by presenting to him a petition asking "Fifty-four forty or fight," was one 

him to emancipate his slaves. Clay's of their rallying cries in 1844, but this 

answer was adroit, but an issue was Democracy had passed wholly under 

forced that was very detrimental to the control of the slaveholders, and, 

his chances oi success. to make sure of having a freehand 

He wrote his Raleigh letter against with Mexico, without British inter- 
file annexation of Texas and offended ference, tne contention as to the 
the "slaveholders. He then wrote his Northwestern boundary was yielded, 
Alabama letter on the other side, and and the present line was agreed upon, 
thus displeased the anti-slavery men Clay was opposed to the Mexican 
and lost New York. He was his War, but when the war came Henry 
own Burchard. New York defeated Clay, Jr., led a Kentucky Regiment 
him by only 5080 votes, and Birney, and fell gloriously at Buena Vista, 
the anti-slavery candidate, received In 1846 an event occurred which 
15812, enough to give the state and excited but little attention at the 
the presidency to PoIk, whose candi- time, but was big with fate to 
dacy was in the cause of slavery humanity, 
extension. Abraham Lincoln was elected to 



. 






Congress as a "H nry Clay Whig," 
and hf too stood In hi 

can \\ 3. 

Scott had ; Ion of the M.'\ 

Capital and the 1 1 to 

hold the whoie of tl c territory ••t' our 
; iborlng republic. They were 

great exp tB 

Clay came out of his retirement to 
pro! it tiny spoliation, and 

his protest was heeded. 

The war with Mexico produced the 
usual crop of heroes, and Mr. Clay 
was side tracked in 1848 for "Old 
Rough and Ready" Zachary Taylor. 
The Whigs had grown tired of follow- 
ing Clay to defeat, aa the Democracy 
of today have grown tired of following 
the standard of their leader from 
Nebrasl 

The Democrats nominated Cass and 

itler, and the Whigs, Taylor and 
Fillmore. Clay was left disappointed 
in the back ground at the age of 71. 

The hero ot Buena Vista had about 
as shadowy a view of politics as did 
the hero of Manila. Taylor proposed 
that "Congress should run the politics 
of the country and that he would be 
the President ot the whole people." 

This was as freshly ingenuous as 
the statement of the grand old 
Admiral that he too would let Con- 
gress govern the country, if he should 
ue elected to the Presidency. Clay, 
like Achilles, sulked in his Kentucky 
tent, but. Taylor was elected. 

The life of Henry Clay involves the 
history of the United States from 
before the War of 1S12 to the period 
just preceding the Civil War. 

In 1848 Anti-slavery extension 
showed itself as a growing factor. 

In 1850 Mr. Clay again returned to 
the Senate, where he was honoreu by 
an attack from Jefferson Davis, the 
son-in-law of Taylor. 

Again he essayed the role of a 
compromiser. The fear of disunion 
made Webster truckle to slavery- 
Clay as a slaveholder could uardly 
do less. 

But he answered South Carolina 
with the statement that he would 
never fight against the Union, even 
under the banner of big state. Said 
he: — "Virginia is not my country, 
Kentucky Is not my country. I am 
for the whole Union." 



The Fugitive Slave Law was a part 
of the Compn i I and its 

re shared by both 
But the corn- 
was only a truce — it could 
be nothing i So such wrong as 

hum* ivery could be compromised 
ul compromising the com- 
misers. 
Bui in is fatal law started the man 
hunter through the free states and 
1 1 science of the nation. 
■ e Shadrach was re- 
d from the officers in Boston by 
a crowd of negroes, Clay in the Senate 
announced himself as "highly 
shocked." 

fondly imagined that the Com- 
promise had settled things — but some 
things cannot be settled. But his last 
h in the Senate was for com- 
promise and Union. 
In his pilgrimage through the North 
he denounced the violation of 
the fugitive slave law as treason. 

In 1S53 both party platforms de- 
clared in favor of the fugitive slave 
law. There was indeed need for a 
nov party. 

Clay's last public talk was toKossuth 
and dissuading from the attempt to 
I ve America in the Hungarian 
imbroglio. It failed to please Kos- 
suth, but it was the word of wisdom 
to the United States. 

In the Whig caucus April 9, 1851, 
a number of members seceded from 
the meeting, because slavery they 
claimed, needed more protection. 

April 9, 1865, fourteen years later, 
to a day, Lee surrendered. 

W ten Clay died in 1852, both par- 
ties had adopted his compromise, but 
the people were already getting ready 
10 overthrow it, and in 1854 the Re- 
publican Party of today was founded 
on the ruins of the old Whig organiza- 
tion. The days of compromise were 
-an to gird themselves 
:ttle. Charles Sumner had taken 
ister, and Benjamin 
r.\ -d the sentiment ol 

Ohio in the senate. 

Mr. clay, in his speech on the 
y 111 anuary 8, 1S13, gave the 
to his life's work. He said: 
"If to are united we are too power- 
ful for the mightiest nation in Europe, 



\~ — 



or all Europe combined. If we are language of the illustrious old hero, 
separated ana torn asunder we shall "Let us have peace." Free inter- 
become an easy prey to the weakest change of thought, and outspoken ex- 
of mem. In the latter dreadful pression of views are for the good of 
emergency, our country will not bo all. I have never hesitated to express 
worth preserving." my opinions upon the great principles 

All men are influenced by their and policies of our party. The suc- 

environment. Had Clay gone to cess of the party of protection, sound 

Illinois, instead of Kentucky, no doubt money and good government, is im- 

ne would have stood with Lincoln on portant to the interests of the whole 

.-ie question of restricting slavery. country. Its success should not be 

It took the war to carry Lincoln to imperiled on any mere matters of 

the point of forcible abolition. Clay detail. 

fought against British misrule, Greek Republican doctrines have sprung 

oppression, and Jackson's haughty spontaneously from the concur- 

imperiansm. rent views of its representatives 

^na he fought for the American in convention assembled, and they 

system, public improvements, nat- have spoken in no uncertain tones 

ional banks and was willing to make upon all the great questions as they 

any compromise for the Union — all have arisen, 

for the Union. _n m y public life I have seen fou> 

He died at the National Hotel in revisions, or attempted revisions of 

Washington June 29, 1852, and his the tariff. The Mills, McKinley, Wil- 

funeral procession proceeded through son a nd Dingley Bills have all in turn 

a sorrowing nation by way of Balti- OCC upied the attention of the country, 

more, New York City, Philadelphia, an( j everybody knows the depression 

Rochester, Buffalo, Cleveland, Cincin- t hat attends a tariff agitation and 

nati and Louisville to his last resting general revision. It is not necessary 

place at Lexington. now to discuss why this is true, for 

In 1865 a similar funeral procession in the last thirteen years the nation 

carried Lincoln to Illinois and later has three times undergone the practl- 

on McKinley's sad cortege passed cal experience which brings with it 

through tearful multitudes to Canton, knowledge. 

The fifty years of public life of i n iggg, after having gone through 

Henry Clay were always full of the BO mU ch tariff agitation, the party at 

highest national patriotism. St. Louis demanded the repeal of the 

He laid the foundation, he paved Wilson Law, and then used this 

the way, he led up to the conditions instructive language, "We are not 

out of which came the struggle for pledged to any particular schedule, 

freedom and the Union in 1861. The question of rates is a practical 

He delayed that contest until the question, to be governed by the condi- 
hour of fate had come, and until the tions of the time and of production; 
hand of freedom was strong enough the ruling and uncompromising prin- 
to deal with all the foes of the Union, ciple is the protection and develop- 
^ united, prosperous and happy coun- ment of American labor and industry, 
try owes grateful remembrance to the The Country demands a right settle- 
immortal name of Henry Clay. ment and then it wants rest." 

Ciay's last appeal was for the it has hau a settlement and since 

restoration of the protective tariff of then has had wont for the laborer 

1846. and rest from tariff agitation. 

He might compromise to prevent There are some who are willing to 

war, but his taith in his favorite sys- try the experiment of depriving the 

tern was unshaken. History is ever country of this rest even at the risk 

repeating the same lessons. of giving abundant leisure once more 

In friendly intercourse around the to our workingmen. 

board of this Grant Republican Club, The result is the same whether 

we may well consider the future of protection is removed by friends or 

our party and our country. In the enemies. 



■ 



mo hie of Henry Clay furnishes us 
a lesson on this subject. He was a 
protectionist <>f the pronounced and 
original type. But he was ever ready 
acrlflce the tenets of in* party 
faith to save the Union, and so he 
made the tanu compromise of i- 

The South Carolina policy of tl/t 
day demanded free trade, and 
Uovernor and Legislators were 
termlned thai if Congress would 
five them tariff reform they wouu 
have it themselves. Bo. Mr. Clay 
ed that the tariff should be re- 
formed by an annual reduction for a 
term of years. He submitted to it 
but he did not pretend to like it 
Jhe agreed to reduce the schedules 
year by year, until South Carolina 
should be satisfied, and in 1837 one of 
the worst Industrial panics in the 
. istory of our country came and came 
very naturally. The tarifT had been 
slowly mutilated by its friends, and 
Industry lay dead. 

In 1893 the "tariff reformers" struck 
it down at one blow. The methods 
were different. The consequences 
were the same. 

No doubt there are schedules in the 
Dingley Act that are imperfect. So 
mere have been in all tariff laws. So 
there will be In the next one. 

In time every tariff must be revised 
and changed. But while the reduc- 
tions are being made, whether by Hen- 
ry l lay or William L. Wilson, the 
country will stand by and"mark time" 
until the thing Is over. Perhaps it 
ought not to do so, — but it always 
does. 

No American industry is now lan- 
guishing:. i\o American laborer is un- 
employed. No American is working 
at reduced wages. It is suggested 
that Europe is highly prosperous also, 
and that therefore our own present in- 
dustrial activity is by no means excep- 
tional. But they do not talk that, way 
in Europe. They complain bitterly 
there that America is not only holding 
her home market but is also reaching 
out and taking an undue share of the 
trade of the world. A man who is at 
the head of the industrial procession 
and is in favor of keeping his position 
need not be worried by hearing some 
one say that he is "unprogressive." 



A tree should be judged by its fruit 
and a tariff law by 4 «.s results. 

Measured by this fairest of all testa, 
the worst tariff act ever placed upon 
our statute hooks was the Wilson Law, 
and judged by the same just standard, 
no law has ever brought us as good 
results as the Dingley Act. Let us 
enjoy and do justice to Its sunshine, 
and not spend too much of our time 
with smoked glass looking for spotfl 
on the sun. 

In 1892, at high tide of prosperity, 
with the MeKinley Law only two 
years old. the American people resolv- 
ed to go through the throes of a gen- 
eral tariff revision. They wanted 
"the markets of the world," and es- 
pecially free trade with Canada. They 
wanted to meet the changed and pros- 
perous conditions of the times, by 
adapting the tariff schedules to the 
needs of the hour. Enough Republi- 
cans voted for "tariff reform" to put 
the experiment in operation, and it is 
only five years since we began to re- 
cover from the most calamitous period 
in our history. 1837 was repeated 
with greater emphasis in 1893. 

The Republicans who went astray 
in 1892, as well as those who "stood 
pat," all bore the ills of 1893 to 1897 In 
common, and the Democrats suffered 
with the rest. It is sometimes safe to 
find out what our opponents want ua 
to do and then — not do It. 

Reciprocity has for many years been 
a cardinal principle of Republican 
faith. I believe Republicans univer- 
sally favor reciprocity, as heretofore 
announced in our platform, but by this 
they do not mean giving much for lit- 
tle, or something for nothing. They 
are in favor of reciprocity, but it must 
be a reciprocity which reciprocates. 
An absolute and unqualified agreement 
to give the open trade of 80,000,000 
people in the . United States, in ex- 
change for like trade of only 5,000,000 
In Canada, involves a careful examina- 
tion of all the details, and those gen- 
tlemen who may be ready out of hand 
to declare at once in favor of such a 
treaty, will find that the cost must 
and will be first counted. The sug- 
gestion will meet with most favor 
from manufacturers who want to re- 
tain the western market for them- 



A 



selves, while buying the articles 
which they consume in the Canadian 
market; or of real estate speculators, 
who have invested in Canadian lands. 

The Iowa farmer will want to know 
something of the details of such a 
treaty before getting unduly excited 
in its favor. 

We must not make the mistake of 
assuming that any sort of free trade 
with any sort of a country, under the 
name of reciprocity, is of necessity 
a good thing. The Blaine and McKin- 
ley doctrine of reciprocity involved 
the idea of contracts in which the 
United States should have a fair ex- 
change- 01 benefits. 

We tried an experiment with Ha- 
waii, and for fourteen years the re- 
bates on Hawaiian sugar during those 
years, 1877 to 1890, amounted to $88,- 
546,853.56, during which time the en- 
tire purchases from us by these isl- 
ands amounted to only $97,816,633. 
We paid in rebates for her entire pur- 
chases from us except $9,379,779.44. 

Of course such reciprocity was pop- 
ular in the Sandwich Islands. Any 
country would be willing to buy goods 
of us if we would give them rebates 
enough out of the Treasury to pay for 
ninety per cent of their total pur- 
chases. Of course Hawaiian reciproc- 
ity was an extreme case, but it serves 
as an excellent illustration of the dif- 
ficulties to be met in making treaties 
of this character. And Canadian reci- 
procity was tried from 1855 to 1866. 

Our experience of reciprocity with 
Canada covered about eleven years 
from 1855 to 1866, and as this period 
included the time of the Civil War 
with all its derangement of business, 
it gave us no fair test, but at the end 
of the period the results were such as 
to make the treaty unpopular, if not 
undesirable, to the United States. 

The duties which we remitted to 
Canada the last year and nine months 
of this treaty in 1865 and 1866 amount- 
ed to $70,152,163, and during the same 
period the balance of trade was 
against us in our dealings with Can- 
ada in the sum of $28,134,749. 

The disadvantages of that treaty to 
the United States may be readily ap- 
preciated by reading the list of tne 
products of the United States which 



Canada admitted free of duty under 
the treaty. She admitted our "bread- 
stuffs, meats, fish, raw cotton, vege- 
uiuies, fruits, poultry, eggs, hides, 
furs, skins, stone, dairy products, ores, 
fertilizers, lumber, wood, flax, hemp, 
tow and unmanufactured tobacco." 

But on the other aand, we admitted 
all these same things free into the 
United States from Canada. So wita 
the exception of raw cotton and un- 
manufactured tobacco, which Canada 
needed in her manufactures and could 
not produce, she got a free market for 
her competing products in the United 
States, in exchange for free trade in 
her market in the things with which 
we could least successfully compete. 
And a large portion of the agreement 
was directly hostile to the products of 
Iowa. Let us nave reciprocity, but 
when we get another reciprocal treaty 
with Canada, let us hope that we will 
ge. a little fairer deal than the treaty 
of 1855. 

Reciprocity is more difficult in its 
negotiation and operation than it is in 
tneory. It must first run the gauntlet 
oi diplomacy, after which it encoun- 
ters in the senate the endless chain of 
debate and refusal of unanimous con- 
sent, and the further necessity of re- 
ceiving enough votes from the opposi- 
tion to make a two-thirds majority. 

Many carefully guarded reciprocal 
treaties were negotiated under the Mc- 
Kinley law, but they were swept away 
at the next revision of the tariff. 

Reciprocity, aesirable as it is, as a 
practical business proposition meets 
with many obstacles at home as well 
as abroad. 

Reciprocity in competitive articles, 
as a principle of Republican faith, is 
the latest suggestion. I wish to ex- 
press my utter dissent from this doc- 
trine. 

It is argued that whenever we may 
benefit one industry more than we in- 
jure another, by such treaty, we 
should make the sacrifice of one of 
Protection's children for the benefit of 
the other. No one can weigh in ad- 
vance the profit and loss of experi- 
ments of this kind, and no Republican 
platform has ever recommended sucn 
a poncy. 
Let us take counsel together and in 



^ 



good nature and fraternal spirit unite olaration of our party principles can 

upon the policies and principles whicn be drawn than thai bo clearly Btated 

have in the pasl broughl success to by President Theodore Roosevelt 

( ,ur party and prosperity to the coun- Whal is best for the United States is 

try and"l believe thai no better de» best for the Republican party. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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